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						Jamila Verghese 
						  
						  
						 
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              The critical finding, articulated  by Justice S.U. Khan is that for centuries, and long before the matter became  subject to litigation, Hindus and Muslims had in a real sense shared and indeed  worshipped alongside one another within the same disputed premises.  | 
             
             
          	Bury the Past and Move On
          	The bigger “India story” must not be derailed by religious or factional disputes. And now at Ayodhya, it appears all sides have won. 
            By B G Verghese 
            Deccan Herald, 4 October, 2010 
            Wise words were spoken this past  week. Sometimes we are so filled with anger and bitterness over the perceived  wrongs of history that, enveloped in fog, we see the past but dimly and are  unable to recognise the future. On the eve of the long-awaited Ayodhya verdict  of the Allahabad High Court on September 30, there were appeals for calm all  round as the future interrogated the past. Home Minister Chidambaram saw “The  India Story” as much more than a dispute over a piece of land” that must not  derail “the bigger story”. Young people born after the Babri demolition had  moved on and were animated by a very different world view. 
            Even the most ardent contestants  have thus far largely responded constructively to an unexpected but remarkable  judgement. The verdict has steered a path between faith, history, practice and  possession to open a door to a harmonious settlement and reconciliation. The  two-to-one majority ruling is that a mosque was not built by demolishing a  temple on Babar’s orders, but was erected on the site of a ruined Hindu  structure whose provenance as a temple is contested. Hence the property be now  divided with a third going each party: to the Hindus (the land under the former  central dome where the idols lie), the Muslims (within the inner courtyard) and  the Nimrohi Akhara (within the outer courtyard where the Ram Chabutra and Sita  ki Rasoi are located). 
            The critical finding, articulated  by Justice S.U. Khan is that for centuries, and long before the matter became  subject to litigation, Hindus and Muslims had in a real sense shared and indeed  worshipped alongside one another within the same disputed premises. If then,  why not again now is the unspoken premise of the majority judgment. 
            The judgement has been criticized  by some scholars as being based on unproven historical evidence advanced by the  Archaeological Survey which allegedly drew unfounded conclusions from site  diggings. Others have expressed concern that the Court has departed from  historical facts and legal processes to affirm certitudes based on faith. This  is not quite so. Justice Khan clearly says that it was only after the mosque  was built that Hindus began to identify it with Ramjanamsthan while Justice  Agarwal ascribes the area under what was the masjid’s central dome as the  Ramjanamsthan only as “per faith and belief of the Hindus”. His observation is  descriptive, not juristic. Justice Khan further makes it plain that “As far as  the title suit of a civil nature is concerned, there is no room for historical  facts and claims”, including claims  based on faith. Only Justice Sharma took the line that faith renders the spot  where the idols now lie as the Ramjanamsthan, a juristic person and a deity. 
            It would appear that there will be  an appeal to the Supreme Court but only after the High Court’s prescribed three  month cooling off period, during which the status quo will be maintained. It  does not follow that any last minute compromise sought prior to the verdict  precludes attempts at a compromise today despite initial statements to the  contrary. This is because the parties now confront an entirely new situation.  Earlier, the judgement was not known. Now with each side having got a third  part of the land under dispute, an appeal could conceivably declare in favour  of one party or the other. Half a loaf being better than no bread, there is now  reason to be more compromising than before. Whether a compromise will in fact  be reached is another matter. But the prospect of a negotiated settlement might  now appear relatively more  attractive. 
            Meanwhile, the criminal act of  deliberately destroying the Babri Masjd on December 6, 1992 cannot be forgotten. The Liberhan  Commission has framed the charges. The guilty must be tried and punished  expeditiously, unlike what happened when the idols were conspiratorially planted  under the central dome of the Masjid on a cold December night in 1949. Justice in this separate but adjunct matter  is essential to bring closure to the Mandir-Majid dispute that has dragged on  for centuries. 
            Something of the Bigger Story  Chidambaram mentioned was manifest on the morning of the judgement when the Prime Minister inaugurated the  monumental Unique Identification Number Aadhar programme in a remote Maharashtra  village. He handed over a 12-digit number to a poor, unknown farm labourer,  Sonawane, making her an identifiable person and an equal citizen of India  with rights, privileges, hope and a numbered address that guarantees her a  future. 
            Like a hitherto excluded wretch in  a song of yore, Sonawane too can proudly proclaim that “I am Somebody, Not a  Nobody, Nor just Anybody. And Everybody knows my Name”. Everybody now knows  Sonawane as she has a numbered name and address and can no more be treated as a  Nobody and fobbed of her rights. That surely marks a revolution ! Sceptics may entertain doubts  about the UID solution. But Aadhar will prevail, with millions of Sonawanes  marching to a new future under its banner. The road is long; but She now has the means to Overcome. 
            Then, on September 29, the Supreme Court freed a  Manipur editor from detention stating that “Any society that would give up a  little liberty to gain a little security will deserve neither and lose both”.  This principle has wide application. A boisterous, jostling, protesting,  growing India confronts a “million mutinies” of multiple  transitions by heterogeneous groups fast maturing from tradition to modernity.  For such a country, security in many ways comes from and is reinforced by  liberty.  |